Joint Statement Released by Dong Zong and Jiao Zong

April 15, 2021

Political Commitment from Government and Public is Called for—

Full Force Solution for Jawi Script Learning Dispute Expected

Dong Jiao Zong hereby urges both the government and private sectors to show political commitment and courage by putting their feet on the ground to solve the Jawi script dispute in full force, rather than pointing fingers at each other while staging a war of words. The fact being, 98 percent of the vernacular Chinese primary schools disagree with the Jawi script learning; the will of the parents is telling thus the MOE needs to respond as anticipated by putting the measure aside. On the other hand, government and non-government politicians are obliged to jointly push the ruling government to abandon this public opinion defiling implementation.

The recent allegation of Dong Jiao Zong’s indecisiveness in its stance on the Jawi script learning was one of unfair and unfounded which defies the truth and is misleading. As a matter of fact, Dong Jiao Zong has been consistent on its ground and never opposed to the Jawi calligraphy learning but merely disagrees with the learning approach implemented by the MOE which in actual fact defies our country’s multicultural inherence. We reckon, on the contrary, the government needs to refer to the existing Grade Five Bahasa Melayu coursebook in its introduction of calligraphies of all ethnic groups to primary students, including Chinese, Tamil, Jawi and various indigenous groups from east Malaysia as the approach is more viable, appropriate and had been approved by the Deputy Education Minister Mah Hang Soon. In the meantime, we insist that the school boards of vernacular schools should be included in decision making on the said matter; therefore, we hope the government will put the Jawi script learning implementation aside as well as convening relevant Chinese and Tamil stakeholders, let alone education representatives from east Malaysia to mull over the besetting matter.

Dong Jiao Zong has been consistent in its ground to attentively supervise educational implementation from the former Pakatan Harapan government to the present Perikatan Nasional government. Last July, the Education Minister Radzi Jidin had consented to review the Jawi script learning in vernacular schools in a parliament statement; to our regret, six months has since passed yet no follow-up is seen. Worse still, the government did not seem to hear the disagreeing voice from both the Chinese and Tamil vernacular schools as it instead posted Jawi script learning questionnaire to parents asking for decision which again generates disappointments and worries.

Witnessing the MOE’s all mouths in the matter, we sincerely hope both the government and non-government politicians are ready to be accountable as well as seeing the case from the perspective of education professionalism to jointly solve the Jawi script learning dispute. Nonetheless, Dong Jiao Zong will continue to supervise the MOE’s education implementation attentively. By the same token, Dong Jiao Zong appreciates comments and examination from all walks of life.

Joint Statement Released by Dong Zong and Jiao Zong

March 8, 2021

Diversity Inherence Should Be Embodied in National Unity Blueprint—

Espouse Cross Ethnic Interaction to Rid of Unitary Thinking

The National Unity Strategy and National Unity Blueprint 2021-2030 (henceforth The National Unity Strategy and Blueprint) launched by the Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin on 15 February contains three aspirations and 12 strategies, as well as 41 transformation strategies. The National Unity Strategy and Blueprint details the government’s action plan to achieve goals set out in the National Unity Policy, which among others, aim to foster national integration based on the key pillars of the Federal Constitution and Rukun Negara. Dong Zong opines it agreeable as the Federal Constitution is the basis of constitutional democracy and national unity which assures people the freedom of religion and the right to learn and use their mother tongue; yet the core value of Rukun Nagara is to unite the citizens to eventually create a fair and equal society thus to narrow disparities among the people while treating the cultural tradition of other ethnic groups freely. As such, the government needs to promote national unity on pluralistic ground to ensure the execution of the said policies which is complied with the spirit of the Federal Constitution and Rukun Nagara.

It goes on page six of The National Strategy and Blueprint, ‘the definition of unity is generally to create a common and unified national identity, take for instance, one nation and her language.’ Yet due to the multiracial, multilingual, multireligious and multicultural inherence of our country, the concept of ‘unity in diversity’ is emphasised in The National Strategy and Blueprint to uphold the harmony of a pluralistic society. In fact, Dong Jiao Zong reckons it narrow minded to equate national identity with unitary culture identification as it defies the multiracial reality of the country and thus backfires national integrity and social harmony. Attributed to this, Dong Zong deems the government’s taking ‘unity in diversity’ as the direction of national unity correct only that it needs to be reflected through specific policies and executive plans and not mere exuberant verbosity on paper.

In the meantime, if the ‘nation state’ mentioned on page 27 of The National Strategy and Blueprint focuses only on a unitary thinking ‘nation state’, the multiethnic inherence of the country on matters of national integrity and harmony will be folded as this model poses injustice governance and conflicts with the ‘unity in diversity’ emphasised in the document. Our country is a multiracial structured society and thus it needs to be aligned with the concept of ‘multicultural state’ so that freedom of religions and welfare will be assured for the enjoyment of prosperity and advancement no regards of ethnic groups. In this train of thought, Dong Jiao Zong herewith urges the government to clarify its position and negotiate readily with all racial communities intensively in a bid to pool opinions and ideas for the genuine practice of ‘unity in diversity’.

It is proven diversity and unity can fare abreast not contradicting each other; the fundamental prerequisites of steady development in a multiracial nation are harmony and national integrity between the ethnic groups and this must be built on fair policies or else the foundation of nation building will be eroded. As a matter of fact, since independence, all ethnic groups have long been upholding the spirit of ‘seeking common ground while reserving differences’ for nation building. Unfortunately, the ruling government has not rendered fair treatment on the educational, economic, cultural and social domain, let alone the deliberate distortion of truth committed by a sizeable number of political parties, organisations and individuals by airing racial and religious comments of extreme; they are truly in many ways impeding national unity. Weighing on this, Dong Jiao Zong posits, for the realisation of genuine national unity, the government needs to treat all ethnic groups equally; whereas on the provocation of sensitive sentiments, like the closure proposal of multi-stream schools, the government should stand out forthwith to safeguard the system and not tight-lipped as well as letting them indulge in disputes detrimental to national development.

Diverse streams of school have coexisted and advanced in our country for over two centuries; they are the precious resource and competitive advantage of the nation which enrich the characteristic of a diverse society. The existence of these schools as a phenomenon denies the claim that multiple stream education is a hinderance to national integrity and harmony since their curriculums are attuned with the national curriculum formalised by the MOE and thus sharing common core values. To our regret, this multiple stream education system is not prominently recognised in The National Unity Strategy and Blueprint, it otherwise claims that Vision Schools help racial understanding and quicken the pace of national integrity instead (The National Unity Strategy and Blueprint: 40). Dong Jiao Zong strongly disagrees with this comment and reiterates its opposition towards the establishment of Vision Schools, understanding the eventual goal of Vision Schools is to ‘gradually realise the aim of using Bahasa Melayu as the common medium of instruction for all streams of schools’ which will subsequently terminate the use of mother tongue as medium of instruction in both vernacular Chinese and Tamil primary schools. Many research findings have indicated that the implementation of Vision Schools was unsuccessful notwithstanding these schools shared common facilities, they could not withstand the long existing firewall formed by external factors over the decades and thus could not meet the objectives of effective communication and integrity in form.

We reckon that putting schools of diverse streams under one roof stubbornly is not a strategic approach; nonetheless, the contacts and interactions between the schools need to be enforced for national integrity (The National Unity Strategy and Blueprint: 39). We understand the ultimate goal of The National Unity Strategy and Blueprint is to enhance contact and interactions between all streams of schools nationwide for better mutual understanding and national integrity. In fact, all streams of schools have been holding sports meets and cross-ethnic cultural activities under the Student Integration Plan for Unity (RIMUP) and achieved fruitful results. Moreover, for the past couple of years, independent Chinese secondary schools likewise have been enforcing interactions with private religious schools initiatively through the organisation of cross ethnic activities.

Dong Jiao Zong respects the constitutional status of Bahasa Melayu as the national language and has striven hard to promote Bahasa Melayu proficiency in both vernacular Chinese primary schools and independent Chinese secondary schools. In addition, Dong Jiao Zong also urges the ruling government to intensively interact and discuss education issues with ICSS teachers and relevant education organisations thus to bring about effective Bahasa Melayu learning approaches for non-Malay learners to command the language. Similarly, we also believe the government needs to forward concrete projects to encourage students in all streams to learn more additional languages and cultures for ethnic understanding and national unity.

We affirm Bahasa Melayu as the language of national unity as emphasised in The National Unity Strategy and Blueprint and are proactively pushing the use of Bahasa Melayu in Chinese schools, yet we expect the government to fairly treat mother tongue education of other ethnic groups and should not marginalise non-Malay mother tongue education. It is pointed out in The National Unity Strategy and Blueprint, for the goal of national unity, the understanding and appreciation of national History should be observed. Unfortunately, the History coursebooks published by the MOE do not in any way reflect the reality of multiracial, multicultural and multireligious inherence. This defect should be rectified as it will end up causing the upcoming generations to misunderstand national history and worse still, be misled. Dong Jiao Zong believes that History coursebooks should be redacted in congruence with the diverse reality of the country, including the reaffirmation of dedications shown by different ethnic groups in nation building; it is intended for the foster of mutual understanding, respect and friendly cooperation towards national integrity and unity.

Dong Jiao Zong opines, if the Perikatan Nasional government intends to promote national unity, it must accept the country’s historical gene of diversity and abandons unitary ruling model thoroughly, as well as redressing enactments which harm national integrity. Moreover, the government needs to prevent racial and religious speech and acts of extreme by law aiming to improve the political ecology of the nation for cohesion such that all people can work towards a bright future altogether with concerted efforts.

Statement Released by Dong Zong

March 1, 2021

“Governance at a Deadlock without Disruptive Breakthrough, Pray Convince Us with New Vision”— Review of Perikatan Nasional Government’s Education Implementation

1.  Foreword

A year ago, the ‘Sheraton Move’ prompted the political reshuffle in Malaysia, forming an alliance government composed of the Malaysian United Indigenous Party, UMNO, Malaysian Islamic Party, Homeland Solidarity Party, Sabah Progressive Party and Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia, replacing the then ruling Pakatan Harapan government with minority advantage. While the political chaos rolls on with unaddressed issues, no light was seen in matter of multiracial relationship, and the foundation of pluralistic society is under challenged. As the Perikatan Nasional government was not mandated through election, thus no election manifesto was promised and contradiction prevails in their governing policies; Having since been weighed by the Covid-19 pandemic, no vision for the nation from the ruling government was anticipated, let alone their mission and core value narratives.

As an education institution, education-related achievements are the focuses of Dong Zong. As such, we herewith forward our reform proposal addressing the major education issues besetting the previous year. We also understand that the entire nation is expecting gratifying results from the Perikatan Nasional government.

2.  Comments on the Perikatan Nasional Government’s Major Education Policy over the Year

(1) Covid-19 Uncertainty Worsens Digital Gap, Posing Challenges towards Teaching and Learning

(a) Online teaching has still not reached its full-fledged status: The Covid-19 pandemic has messed up inherent norms and order as well as turning digital transformation and the maximisation of technology a nonreciprocal trend, inclusive of the education domain. During the ravage of the pandemic, all schools nationwide adapted the distance learning approach by switching to online teaching which later exposes the growing digital gap of the country—inequality in online teaching footing which begs for serious resource provision. Moreover, the unsuccessful “1Bestari Net” had not attained its target of promoting a 4G broadband internet coverage for the learning needs of ten thousand schools nationally and thus was later replaced by Google Classroom instead.

(b) Startling Digital Discrepancy: The Minister of Education replied in a written statement in July of 2020 pointing out that nine percent of the entire student population nationwide has no internet accessibility. Honestly, matters like the great disparity of education resources, the expense of online learning unaffordable to under privileged families, inconsistent internet coverage and the low-speed broadband internet have long been denounced. In the meantime, the digital discrepancy likewise reveals the weakness of teachers’ digital teaching as well as the absence of learning support from family members. It is understood that most students are lack of self-discipline and active learning initiative; therefore, using digital tool to attain digital competence in daily life and learning is still immature just yet.

(c) Ample Room for Improvement in Educational Broadcast Channels: In April 2020, the radio and TV broadcast of ‘TV Okey’ channel was reactivated due to the pandemic outbreak. Education programmes have since been broadcasted through Astro and NTV7 in a bid to assist students who cannot afford to go online for studies during the pandemic movement control order. Of which, in February 2021, NTV7 turned the said channel to ‘Didik TV’. Yet the channel, from its initial launching to schedule, broadcast and contents have shown inadequacy which demands long term operation planning for better and fruitful functions.

The government and private sectors should respectively forward economic relief package, home-based learning broadband support plan, studies counselling (provided by school and social welfare organisation), social workers for mental and physical health to supplement the digital disparity of under privileged students. The internet accessibility defect, viz., slow internet speed, is believed to be the outcome of consortium monopoly. Incident like student climbing up tree for better accessibility of the internet in Sabah will not repeat if serious attention is taken by the government, key facilities of broadband internet is controlled and tender reviewed for a fair competition in telecommunication industry.

(2) Inconsistency shows Hastiness in Decision Making, Empowerment is the Way out

In the face of the Covid-19 uncertainty, the MOE called a halt to the 2020 UPSR for Primary Grade Six students as well as Form Three PT3 examination and postponed the SPM, SVM and STAM twice. STPM was similarly postponed and candidates for the exam were only allowed to resume classes when the pandemic slowed down.

We basically agreed with the above measures, yet found the decision made addressing the pandemic rather impulsive, inconsistent and thus begs review. This year, school opening day was rescheduled twice and this directive had indeed put teachers, parents and students in limbo. Take for instance, after the launching of the manual for home-based learning (Manual PdPR) on the 2^nd of February demanding teachers to be amenable to the instructions, the Minister of Education instructed all schools nationwide to resume classes on the 1^st of March two weeks later, leaving teachers in hot waters.

We understand that it is impossible to forward an unanimously agreeable decision during these crazy times, yet opinions and views should be heard from stakeholders in all walks of life for acceptability of the implementation. In the meantime, we propose the government to delegate power to the lower level for schools to flexibly schedule their school opening date and learning approach in respect to the instructions and seriousness of local pandemic once the school opening directive is pronounced.

Similarly, the Ministry of Higher Education was also berated in terms of university reopening date and registration as it was inconsistent and contradictory. Dr Noraini binti Ahmad, the Minister of Higher Education is still tight-lipped though it was disclosed Malaysia ranked fifth in academic fraud worldwide. In addition, though assuming the post for over a year, she has rarely raised her views in higher education development publicly.

(3) Put Political Bias Aside, Return to Education Professionalism

Education is a matter of century-old plan; the importance of a country’s education policy lies in its sustainability and stability for gradual success and effect in an attempt to promote educational quality. In the educational realm, all has to converge towards the education profession for the learning interest of students at large. Attributed to these prerequisites, the government and opposition political parties need to let go of their political adherence for the realisation of macro political landscape as well as stopping political smearing and confrontation by willingly accept feasible educational proposals, setting good example on healthy competition in democracy. We therefore reckon, notwithstanding ruling the country for not exceeding two years, certain measures and implementation practiced by the Pakatan Harapan government should be carried forward and adapted continually:

(a) Simplification of school enrollment for stateless students: to exert the spirit of borderless human right and humanity by lowering the enrollment threshold for stateless students;

(b) Special attention towards Civic Education: to reintroduce Civic Education in both primary and secondary schools in an approach which does not incur learning burden by incorporating it into the standing curriculum using each period from Bahasa Melayu, English, History, Islamic education and Moral on the fourth week of each month for the learning of civic-related knowledge and experience;

(c) Abandonment and Reformulation of ‘The Universities and University Colleges Act’:  to review the act such that it is more academic-oriented, open-minded in managerial culture to instill new spiritual landscape into campuses for the reactivation of academic vitality; and

(d) Promotion of zero non-intake and zero non-graduation: to focus on education equality, caring for under privileged group to ensure schooling opportunity for every eligible child and proactively assist drop-outs to resume schooling to complete secondary education. For the education measures implemented by the former government, the current government is recommended to attentively and continually take a professional position that ‘espouses the right and decries the wrong’ and not to be caught in a political spin.

3. Perikatan Nasional Government’s Handling of Chinese Education Issues

(1) Inadequate Appropriation for Vernacular Chinese Primary Schools

Unlike the previous practice, the new appropriation practice bases on the number of schools, viz., not taking the number of the streams of schools as consideration (inclusive of SMJK Chinese, SMJK Tamil, Full-boarding, government-funded religious, Catholic) but equally allocating RM50 million each in response to the common needs. This practice in fact has met partial needs of the private sectors yet there is discrepancy between national and government-aided school appropriation; moreover, the unclear stance of the government in releasing construction and relocation appropriation for vernacular Chinese primary schools also accelerates backlash.

(2) Zero Appropriation for Three Privately-run Tertiary Institutions

Dong Jiao Zong posits, all the independent Chinese secondary schools and the three privately-run tertiary institutions (New Era University College, Southern University College and Han Chiang University College) are not-for-profit education institutions and they have been nurturing polymaths for national advancement over the years; yet this social-benefitting policy was terminated by the current government as no appropriation was granted to the aforementioned institutions in Budget 2021 and thus it was disappointing to the Chinese community.

(3) Shortage of Teachers in Vernacular Chinese Primary Schools Prevails

The mispresented statistics released by the MOE on teacher statistics causes the need of temporary teachers in vernacular schools to reemerge whenever new academic year begins. As such, Dong Zong urges the MOE to immediately revise the informational errors, teacher training, interview and posting as well as the recruitment of temporary teachers by forwarding a rigorous teacher shortage tracking system, reviewing teacher source and expanding the channels of teacher training.

(4) Continuity in Jawi Script Learning Approach

Ever since the Jawi script learning initiated by the Pakatan Harapan government, it has generated angsts and qualms in both the Chinese and Indian community; yet the current Perikatan Nasional government retains the decision approved by the former government on 14 August 2019 to implement the Jawi script learning in Grade Five Bahasa Melayu coursebook in all vernacular schools.

(5) Recognition of the UEC at a Deadlock

Exclusive of Malaysian Islamic Party, both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Harapan included the recognition of the UEC in their election manifesto; on this basis, the Perikatan Nasional government should reactivate the recognition process of the UEC based on the 2018 mutual understanding agreed upon between the government and the general public.

(6) Sixteen National-type High School Are Excluded from Appropriation

Using the transfer of land ownership to the government as an excuse, nine national-type Chinese high schools were conformed as fully subsidised high schools, and seven others were categorised as national high schools as they are ‘branch’ or ‘additional’ school. Attributed to the above conformation and categorisation, these sixteen schools ended up not getting any appropriation. We opine, the government should treat these 81 national-type high schools equally and rule out the aforementioned matters by granting equal treatment to these sixteen schools.

4. Our Observation on the National Education

(1) The Reform of Education Policy

(a) Progress of several previously formed education committees undisclosed: several education committees established by the Pakatan Harapan government formerly—Jawatankuasa Dasar Pendidikan Negara (JKDPN), Universities and University Colleges Act Working Team, the Special Task Force on the Unified Examination Certificate and Malaysia Vocational Education Empowerment Committee, etc. are intended to expand advisory and encompass participation of the general public as they included experts and stakeholders from the society which actually helps in policy implementation supervision and enhances the interaction between the government and the civilians. Yet since their formation, no research report and reform have been proposed publicly and whether these committees are still operating is unknown.

(b) Redivision of the Ministry of Education: The Perikatan Nasional government once again redivides the Ministry of Education into the Education Ministry and the Ministry of Higher Education. In actual fact, during the Barisan Nasional government, it had been so designed only that the later Pakatan Harapan government had the ministry combined. And now the Perikatan Nasional government once again redivides the Education Ministry and a special department is formed to attend to higher education matters with unknown details.

With the outbreak of the pandemic and the change of ruling power in the country, the reform paces seem to come to a halt. Education is the cornerstone of nation building and education reform is the way to a powerful nation and thus these imminent matters should not be in any way delayed. For this objective, we think the government needs to enhance civilian participation by forming a committee with civilian representatives so that voices from experts and the general public will be heard; the government is also expected to disclose the progress and proposals of the aforesaid committees for the sake of public credit.

The redivision of the Ministry of education into two departments has its pros and cons; since the higher education policy decides the extension of fundamental education and they function reciprocally and thus their coordination and connection are of major importance.

(2) Care for the Lost Generation

The statistics forwarded by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) has revealed class suspension attributed to the Covid-19 pandemic has caused a loss of average learning time by two thirds in an academic year globally. After a year’s pandemic ravage, 800 billion students worldwide are still experiencing serious education interruptions. In 2020, students of all levels could only study at school for five to six months in our country. Our observation in response to this is as follows:

(a) Worsening Education Discrepancy: The pandemic has deepened the discrepancy between the rich and the poor educationally. As the rich can enjoy consummate online learning yet the poor are troubled by the lack of internet accessibility and facilities. The learning right of the poor is not only exploited but they are also deprived of free meals allowance. As informed by the UNESCO, after the reopening of the schools, over 30 million students still cannot attend school due to financial reason; it holds water in Malaysia inevitably.

(b) Learning and Mental/Physical Health of Students: The closedown of schools seriously affects the learning progress of students, particularly students in the process of learning fundamental skills such as reading, speaking and writing and the connection of secondary curriculum is similarly disrupted which caused a sizeable number of students lagging behind in their school age studies. Simultaneously, long term school closedown will hinder social interactions between students and severely influence students’ mental and physical health, including their personality formation.

Truly, the imminent mission of the government for the time being is to implement pandemic prevention measures; nonetheless, education is likewise important and thus a middle ground should be sought between the two. We believe, the MOE needs to set up a pandemic prevention working committee to bind all assistances and supports from different walks of life in a bid to address the many education problems faced by the ‘Lost Generation’.

Joint Statement Released by Dong Zong and Jiao Zong

February 24, 2021

Pahang Jerantut Vernacular Chinese School Development Working Committee Backed

Attorney General of Malaysia to Drop the Prosecution Urged

Dong Jiao Zong herewith expresses its support and encouragement for Pahang Jerantut Vernacular Chinese School Development Working Committee (henceforth the working committee) and urges the Attorney General of Malaysia to abort the prosecution of eight of its committee members for involvement in an unlawful assembly.

It was informed on the 20 of August 2019, the Pahang Jerantut Vernacular Chinese School Development Working Committee convened the Federal Chinese Association of Jerantut and four clan associations for a bannered picketing against the Jawi script learning implementation in vernacular Chinese primary schools in front of SJK(C) Sungai Jan, Jerantut. They were later prosecuted by the local police under Section 142 of the Penal Code for an unlawful assembly (Section 142: Whoever, being aware of facts which render any assembly an unlawful assembly, intentionally joins that assembly, or continues in it, is said to be a member of an unlawful assembly).

We understand that all Chinese communities in the country are the stakeholders of Chinese education issues and the peaceful picketing demonstrated by the mentioned working committee to voice their view was merely to practice Article 10 (Freedom of speech, assembly and association) of the Federal Constitution and Article 19 (Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers) of The Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) and thus the government needs to listen rather than to prosecute them.

The president of the working committee Wu Si Yi had clearly posited they were neither against the government nor racists earlier and what they had done was based on education as a departure point. Simultaneously, we reckon Chinese education a public issue and closely related to public interest and the stance the working committee positioned was not at all the spread of incitement, discrimination or hatred speech.

We regret to see that the Perikatan Nasional government has not forwarded any economic recovery policy in these trying times under the ravage of Covid-19 pandemic but instead obsessed in the prosecution of eight members of the working committee for their peaceful picketing and it is thus viewed as a dereliction of duty and mismanagement of the government.

We cordially urge the Perikatan Nasional government to square up to democratic leeway of the general public and respect the basic human rights such as freedom of assembly and speech. We also remind the police and Attorney General of Malaysia to comply with the rights endowed to the eight members of the working committee by dropping the irrational prosecution. We likewise urge the Attorney General of Malaysia to practice Section 145 (3) of the Federal Constitution to immediately abort the prosecution towards the eight committees.

Statement Released by Dong Zong

February 11, 2021

Mere Community Chest Appropriated to National-type High Schools

The MOE Should Honour Promises by Enforcing Fair Treatment

In respect to the Deputy Education Minister Mah Hang Soon’s release of RM1.6 million to sixteen earlier delisted national-type Chinese high schools which had relieved their financial burden temporarily, Dong Zong expresses its gratitude yet worries about their status and prospective progress. Herewith Dong Zong forwards this statement urging the government to listen to public voice by systematically appropriating all 81 national-type Chinese high schools.

It is evident that whether it was Barisan Nasional or Perikatan Harapan government, the above sixteen national-type high schools were appropriated consistently. Yet what is unacceptable to the Chinese community is the fact that the current Perikatan Nasional government simply delisted the aforementioned schools from receiving appropriation abruptly albeit holding the reign for not more than a year. Notwithstanding the effective efforts put in by the Deputy Education Minister office by making the Community Chest release the relevant appropriation, yet as a long-term consideration, it is not in any way guaranteed substantially. In the list pronounced by the Majlis Pembangunan SMJK Conforming Malaysia, currently there are 81 existing national-type Chinese high schools, inclusive of the above sixteen schools. Of which the status of those 78 time-honoured schools were pronounced clearly in an official notice dated 7 March 1997 by the Ministry of Education addressed to all directors of the state Education Bureau.

Unintelligibly, taking land ownership being transferred to the government as an excuse, the MOE categorised nine of the aforementioned schools as fully subsidised schools and eventually conformed seven of the schools as national high schools using branch or second school merger as justification thus ended up the awkward situation faced by the mentioned 16 national-type Chinese high schools.

In the sixties, many Chinese high schools accepted the transformation offer and conformed themselves into national-type high schools believing the promises made by the government: namely, the provision of sufficient appropriation and teachers, land provision for school construction, one thirds of the teaching time using Chinese as the medium of instruction as well as the assurance of the power and rights of the school boards. For the moment, being responsive to what the Deputy Education Minister Mah Hang Soon had claimed in the appropriation release ceremony online, all national-type Chinese high schools, including their branch schools, are similarly working towards one identical model, viz., to continuously disseminate Chinese culture owed to the painstaking efforts put in by their predecessors which has seen the production of many polymaths for the nation over the years. In this vein, the MOE needs to treat the 81 national-type high schools fairly in terms of their development and not to take the land entitlement or branch school status as excuse to enforce inadequate treatment towards the said sixteen schools.

Education is the foundation of nation making; for the advancement of a country, Dong Zong strongly believes the MOE should comply and honour the promises made sixty years ago when conforming Chinese high schools, let alone providing more attention and support promised to these schools amenable to the conformation in the first place.

Statement Released by Dong Zong

January 30, 2021

Chinese Vernacular Schools to Stand Firm Against Jawi Learning Urged—

MOE Should Introduce Calligraphies of All Races Responsive to Public Will

Dong Zong herewith forwarded this statement in response to the government’s recent directive to all Chinese and Tamil vernacular schools demanding them to find out parents’ decision on Jawi script learning implementation through questionnaire. The said implementation is to be put into practice in Grade Four Bahasa Melayu coursebook and the schools are directed to reply on or before 24 February.

1. Dong Zong again urges the MOE to abandon the questionnaire survey and advises all school boards, parent teacher associations, parents and non-governmental organisations to stand firm against the Jawi scripts learning implementation as it is a unary education model. They are also urged to persist in diversified approach in implementation, viz., to introduce calligraphies of all races corresponding to the multi-racial inherence of the country.

2. It is understood that the Jawi scripts learning implementation in Chinese and Tamil vernacular schools has since stirred up disputes and wide opposition. We would also like to explicitly point out, the questionnaire survey done last year by the MOE clearly indicated 1,262 schools or 97.3 percent out of all the 1,297 Chinese vernacular schools and 522 schools or 99.6 percent out of the total 524 Tamil vernacular schools were against the Jawi script learning implementation. Concurrently, the finding of Dong Zong last year likewise informed that 1,275 Chinese vernacular schools nationwide were against the said implementation. The above figures prominently indicated the implementation would not enjoy popular support; yet the MOE is riding roughshod over public will by directing another round of questionnaire survey willfully aiming to put Jawi script learning into practice. This act of the MOE is not only a waste of administration resource but also intensifies the racial divide of this multiracial society which is irksome to the core.

3. Dong Zong and all the member state associations had mooted on the directive forwarded by the MOE. In response to this, Dong Zong would closely attend to the dispatch and feedback of the relevant questionnaire and interfere if need be. It is to ensure the stance of Dong Zong to be carried through; meanwhile, the information on the implementation of Jawi script learning in Chinese vernacular schools nationwide will be collected via all possible channels.

4. In actual fact, Dong Zong had urged for many times in vain the MOE to head a meeting by inviting non-governmental organisations and associations for a solution. We herewith again recommend the MOE to convene relevant cultural and educational organisations to set up a multilingual teaching committee for opinions collection on the one hand, and allow them to assess and supervise national education policies to appropriately resolve the Jawi script learning issue on the other.

Joint Statement Released by Dong Zong and Jiao Zong

January 16, 2021

Questionnaire Survey to Be Abandoned Urged—

‘No’ to Extant Unary Teaching Model

The MOE recently directed Chinese vernacular schools to collect views on Jawi script learning from their Grade Four students’ parents to decide whether to practice the implementation. As a matter of fact, the finding from the survey conducted by the MOE in 2020 indicated that 1,262 (97-3 percent) out of all the 1,297 Chinese vernacular schools nationwide was against the Jawi script learning implementation which had already shown their stance.  The Chinese community also declared for several times their disagreement on the administration of questionnaire survey for the second time and the inappropriateness of the said implementation. In view of this, Dong Jiao Zong strongly recommends the MOE to abandon the questionnaire survey. In the meantime, Dong Zong advises all school boards, parent teacher associations, parents and non-governmental organisations to stand firm against the Jawi scripts learning implementation by saying ‘No’ to this unary teaching model.

Meanwhile, the survey conducted by Dong Zong last year showed that 1,275 Chinese vernacular schools (98.23 percent) were against the Jawi script unary teaching which corroborated the MOE survey. The finding has markedly reflected the decision of the parents. If the MOE were to once again conduct questionnaire survey on the matter, it would be equivalent to recommitting the same error. This act not only is a waste of administration resource, but also implies the intention to divide racial unity and thus to the core irksome.

Dong Jiao Zong hereby solemnly urges the MOE to put the contentious Jawi script learning implementation aside and abandon the questionnaire survey immediately. Simultaneously, Dong Jiao Zong also urges the school boards, parent teacher association and parents of Chinese vernacular schools to attend to this matter closely as well as rejecting the extant Jawi script unary learning model by insisting on a diversified approach corresponding to the multiracial inherence of the country.

Education is a public interest and it intertwines intricately to the future of the nation. Dong Jiao Zong reiterates, the MOE needs to enforce citizen participation by convening all stakeholders including Chinese and Tamil cultural and educational organisations to set up a multilingual teaching committee such that public voices would be heard through the cooperation between the government and the general public in terms of public participation in decision making, assessment and supervision of educational policies.

Joint Statement Released by Dong Zong and Jiao Zong

December 29, 2020

Vernacular Chinese Primary School Teacher Shortage Reemerges

Expedited Solution from the MOE Expected

Teacher shortage in vernacular Chinese primary schools once again emerges as a problem lately and Dong Zong understands it has long been interrupting the frontline educators and undermining the learning right of the students. We think it is time the MOE earnestly behoves itself a long-term solution and timetable for the settlement once and for all, and not repeating the momentary ease seeking approach practiced by the government over the years.

We are uncomfortable with the mispresented statistics released by the MOE on teacher statistics and the need of temporary teachers in vernacular schools since it is the existing fact which reemerges whenever new academic year begins. As such, Dong Zong urges the MOE to immediately rectify the informational errors as well as mispresented statistics and forward both short-term and long-term solution and measure for the pending problem.

We opine, on the matter of teacher shortage in vernacular Chinese primary schools, for a short-term measure to ensure school opening on 20 January 2021 punctually, the MOE needs to post and recruit new teachers and temporary teachers for the schools, including 681 Bachelor of Arts holders majoring in teaching graduated in June 2020 and the 21 temporary teachers who had been interviewed. Their earlier report to work will help students’ learning progress and administration work. Other than this, the MOE should release sufficient appropriation for schools of all streams to recruit temporary teachers needed and expedite approval in the recruitment of temporary teachers. With the appropriation, the school boards as well as parent teacher associations will not have to continuously pay for the salaries of the recruited temporary teachers.

As a long-term measure, thorough review and improvement should be at play on matters of teacher statistics, teacher education, interview and posting as well as recruitment of temporary teachers, including a rigid tracking mechanism for teacher shortage and the review of teacher source to broaden channels for teacher education; that is, to open teacher education courses for national university graduates and tertiary level graduates to apply thus to increase enrollment for the intake need of teacher training colleges.

As a final note, we urge the MOE to set up a vernacular Chinese primary school teacher committee shortly by inviting stakeholders like Dong Zong to review vernacular Chinese primary school teacher education system and operation. It is for a comprehensive algorithm to safeguard the teaching quality of vernacular Chinese primary schools.

Joint Statement Released by Dong Zong and Jiao Zong

December 21, 2020

Multilingual Resource Manual Addresses Not Qualms

Jawi Learning Implementation to Be Set Aside Urged

The “Multilingual Resource Manual” introduced by the Deputy Education Minister Mah Hang Soon of late including not only Jawi, but also Chinese, Tamil, as well as the native languages of Sabah and Sarawak to resume the multilingual teaching in Grade Four Bahasa Melayu coursebook was claimed to address the concerns of many over the Jawi teaching issue. Yet Dong Jiao Zong otherwise opines the said supplementary reference cannot alleviate the doubts on the contents of the existing coursebook. Rather, the MOE needs to set aside all the contentious measures and earnestly review the Jawi calligraphy issue.

Mah Hang Soon’s proposal is well in sync with the persistent stance of Dong Jiao Zong and other Chinese organisations; that is, to continuously employ the multivariate presentation approach in Grade Five Bahasa Melayu coursebook in the introduction of calligraphy and language of other ethnic groups so as to embody the multiracial inherence of the country as well as promoting inter-cultural interactions.

In a recent survey conducted by Dong Jiao Zong, almost all parents of vernacular Chinese and Tamil school students reject the Jawi script unit in Grade Four Bahasa Melayu coursebook. Of all 1,298 vernacular Chinese schools, 1,275 (98.23 percent) schools oppose to the Jawi calligraphy teaching, only a meagre 23 schools agree. We thus urge the MOE to set aside the controversial measure prior to the implementation and conduct an overall review beforehand, but not after having pushed out all Grade Four to Six coursebooks. It is feared that once the implementation is in practice, internal conflicts will be generated within the schools as confrontation between the schools and parents as well as the Parent and Teacher Associations will emerge which in actual fact undermines the decision power of the school boards. For the respect of the managerial power endowed upon school boards in Education Act 1996, the MOE should designate the vernacular school board decision maker on the Jawi script issue.

The Jawi script teaching worries of the general public saliently exhibit the seminal impact of social trust towards government policies. To avoid recommitting similar error, we urge the MOE to convene Chinese and Indian educational organisations for the formation of a multilingual teaching committee such that all relevant stakeholders can partake in decision making and supervision on Jawi script implementation in vernacular primary schools.